Southeast Asian History Essay Outlines essay

No Modernist Reform An idea pertinent to nationalism is the idea of modernity and progress. Early nationalist movements were focused on the idea of their nation’s progress and how it could be achieved. Many early leaders sought national revival and some advocated western education as a way of making progress. Keratin in Indonesia, Pan Chug Train in Vietnam were examples of nationalist figures that sought national progress through the imbibing of Western education, ideas and values.

HTH nice Minority groups forging their sense of nationhood, fear of/reacting against majority domination and perceived undermining of their way of life. Examples can be seen in the Karen and Shank in Burma and the Moors in Mindanao. Thai kings also emphasized the importance of ethnicity, which was tied in with the concepts of Kind, Nation and Religion. Yes/No Cultural/Religious Early nationalist movements tended to be focused on religious and cultural progress/concerned about the impact of colonial rule on native religion and culture.

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The YMCA was concerned about the role of Buddhism in Burmese society as a result of growing popularity of western education and the abolition of the Burmese monarchy by the British. Early Indonesian sensationalist were also concerned about the preservation Of Javanese culture in a time of profound change. Karakas Islam also included Islamic revivalism as part of its programmer. Thai rules also emphasized the importance of Buddhism and culture as part of a national identity.

In Laos and Cambodia, efforts were made to preserve native cultural, historical and religious traditions through the Buddhist Institutes and to reduce Thai influence on the religious life of these countries. Economic Some nationalist movements were also characterized by their anti-immigrant orientation. This was in reaction to the immigrant domination of the retail trade in many colonies. Examples can be found in the Javanese reaction against the domination of the Chinese in the batik trade, which formed part of the Karakas Salami’s programmer.

The Burmese nationalists also reacted against the Indian domination of the retail trade and absentee landlords, which created problems for the Burmese peasantry. The Atkins were responsible for organizing a number of anti-Lillian protests. This was in part due to the immigrant policies of the colonial governments, which allowed an influx of these groups, which eventually took control of the native economy (Link to anti-colonial sentiments or anti-economic dominance by the immigrants).

Radical/ Revolutionary Some nationalist movements were far more radical than those in the period at least before the interwar period of 1 941 and 1945. By the sass, many movements had turned radical, partly due to continued colonial intransigence in granting constitutional concessions and introducing reform, and partly due to the introduction and growing popularity of radical ideologies such as Marxism. Groups that subscribed to a Marxist ideology rejected the very monumental basis of colonial rule and aimed at its destruction.

Other radical groups such as those in Indonesia, Vietnam and Burma had also assumed an increasingly anti-colonial stance and were championing goals of national independence. (VIAND in Vietnam; Atkins in Burma – not overtly communist in nature, but has Marxist ideas within manifesto and aims) Collaborationist Some nationalists aimed to secure concessions from the colonial regime but pursued a less confrontational course of action. The Manila elite in the Philippines forged a collaborative relationship with the United States in harming the course to independence.

Colonial presence was even deemed necessary since it guaranteed the continued protection of their vested interests. Groups that dominated the Indonesian nationalist movement in the period after 1934 were also marked by a collaborationist stance. 2 Was the Cold War more of a boon or a bane to Southeast Asian nationalism in the period following World War II? Cold War – Growing tensions between the two superpowers and its impact on Southeast Asian nationalism. Implies involvement of the IIS in the politics of Southeast Asia, shaped American assessment of and reaction to Southeast

Asian nationalist movements and fears of Communism. Boon Cold War heightened American fears of communism spreading in Southeast Asia, which had become a battleground for the ideological and military conflict. It helped positively shape American perception of nationalist groups, which displayed an anti-communist stance, thereby consolidating their anti- Communist credentials. As a result, the support of the IIS lent to such groups provided a positive impetus for Southeast Asian nationalism.

The nationalist elite in the Philippines, which was made up of the pre-war illustrate class saw heir aspirations fulfilled with a swift transfer of power. Indonesian Republican government was seen as preferable to the chaos promised by continued Dutch involvement in the East Indies. Washington’s support of Saguaro and Hat gave a boost to the Indonesian nationalist cause and paved the way for independence. In Malay, fears of the communist takeover also prompted the British to begin a process of transferring power to the local elites, which reached an inter-ethnic consensus.

The Soviets and the Chinese landed their support to the Communist nationalist parties, like in the Vietnam and the Indochinese Communist Party n the midst of American propping up democratic governments in the country. North Vietnam received support from the Soviet Union, and the Chinese in the sass, leading to the eventual victory in 1975 after the Second Indochinese War. The Path Ala in Laos also received support from the Soviets. Bane Southeast Asian nationalism was thwarted from fulfilling the goals of national independence and unity.

Clearly seen in Vietnam where American support for the French colonial regime exacerbated the civil war and transformed it into a war with ideological and strategic overtones aimed at halting the advance f communism. The Geneva Conference in 1 954 hampered the aspirations of the Vetting to unite the country by creating a divided Vietnam (along the 17th parallel). 3 To what extent did the experience of independence demonstrate that democracy was not naturally suited for Southeast Asia? Democracy – Has it taken root in Southeast Asia? Is it a suitable form of government for Southeast Asia?

Many Southeast Asian countries began independence with a democratic form of government. At least before the sass, there were experiments with democracy, albeit in varying degrees. Most governments allowed the relocation of political parties, conducted elections and had pluralistic political structures. There were also checks and balances in the institutions of government. (People who took power at the eve of the war were products of Western education, like the Atkins in Burma and Hat, who were educated in Netherlands), Ho Chi Mini educated in France. Elections were held in Indonesia, with numerous elections held in the country before Guided Democracy, before democracy was subverted. Yes Historical legacies seem to indicate the population was not grounded sufficiently in how a democracy functioned. It can be argued that pre- independence politics were dominated by a very small group of people, leading to the political scene after the war drawn from an oligarchy, extracted from a thin stratum of the population. Post-war elites tended to be drawn from a small group, which resulted soon in the emergence of oligarchies.

Natives were selected (based on very strict criteria like gender, income levels and education levels) selectively – to be eligible to be a voter in the Valparaiso, the three criteria must be fulfilled. Authoritarian leaders, while paying lip service to democracy by keeping its institutions were subverting its practice wrought various ways so much so that by the sass, most Southeast Asian governments had become maximum in nature. Social norms, which stressed hierarchy, also precluded the development of true democracy as demonstrated in the concentration of power in the hands of a few.

The predilection for using force as a tool of control also made democracy unsuited as form of political structure. Governments tended to favor political structures, which would be a driver for facilitating social control and economic development and democracy was often seen as a form of government, which promised division than consensus. Democracy promotes the plurality of opinions, which would make difficult the policy promulgation processes, which would lead to political paralysis. How far do you agree that ‘self sufficiency proved illusory for the post-colonial states of Southeast Asia’? Illusory – illusion, remained unattainable Self-sufficiency – Focus on self-sufficiency Aiming to achieve self-sufficiency was difficult or even unattainable despite efforts by governments to pursue such a course of economic development. Highlight some early successes to show that such a course was beneficial in mom way in promoting equality or economic nationalism.

Most crucially, whatever nationalistic pride tarry fostered rang hollow and proved to be an illusion since it often led to underdevelopment and economic ruins (like Indonesia and their aim of import substitution; Socialist Burma saw Nee Win close the country close themselves from the world, both politically and economically, leading to decades of economic stagnation; Khmer Rouge; Laos and Vietnam pursuing tarry in the name of nationalism. ). Use case studies of countries, which aimed at achieving self-sufficiency and failed.

A further indictment of this course of development can also be seen by the fact that all socialist governments had opened their economies in a series of market reforms by the late 1 9805. This only proves that pursuing economic development in isolation from global economic influences is impossible. Even socialist regimes, which pursued tarry, also depended on their communist patrons for aid; they saw market reforms in the late 1 9905, abandoning rhetoric of isolationistic and self-sufficiency. 5 Critically examine whether regional organizations were successful in Southeast Asia in the period between 1945 and 1997.

Regional organizations – South East Asian Treaty Organization (SEATS); Amphibians; Association of South East Asian Nations (SEAN); AS Criteria for success – 1. Economic development (Regional Cooperation) 2. Political Cooperation (against the Communist Threat) – SEATS and the military alliance against communism 3. Resolution of inter-state conflicts/ tensions 4. Cultural/social cooperation 6 ‘Colonial repression was the most important factor for the rise of nationalist movements before World War II. ‘ Evaluate.

ICC 2008] Define what is colonial repression – can be seen as rejection/lack of institutional concessions, general climate of intolerance for political activity though it differed from colony to colony. (More politicized forms of nationalist movements – PIN in Indonesia; Atkins and VIAND in Burma) Consider the nature of colonial rule – direct and indirect forms which influenced whether nationalist movements emerged. Show whether this factor was the most crucial in causing the rise of nationalist movements and bring in other factors as comparison.

Candidates may consider other aspects of colonial rule, which would have an impact. External influences can also be mentioned. Ultimately, the key word is ‘most important;’ more focus has to be given to the factor deemed the most crucial. 7 Assess the role of the nationalists in Southeast Asia during the Japanese Coco patio n. Determine/evaluate the significance of the nationalists’ role during the war Candidates may consider how important a role the nationalists’ played/ possessed. Nationalists played prominent roles in territories significant to the Japanese such as Burma and Indonesia.

Nationalists headed organizations aimed at gathering mass support for Japanese rule and were given key sections in government (Saguaro in Indonesia; Among San in Burma). Some were given access to tools, which they could also exploit to spread nationalist ideas. This was critical in providing nationalists with opportunities, which they previously never enjoyed. However, it did not conceal the fact that those who the Japanese collaborated with were still in a subordinate position and were tools of the Japanese.

In fact, collaboration did not always guarantee benefits as can be seen in the case of the Malay nationalists in the KM (ensure that it does not ensure flare-up of Malay nationalism). Nationalist groups who opposed the Japanese also saw their prestige enhanced and played a key role in securing mass support. This can be seen in the case of the Auks, the MSP and the Vetting. The significance of their role can be seen in how some of them by working with the Allies were able to significantly boost their profile in the eyes Of the people. ‘The military has been indispensable in creating national unity in Southeast Asia. ‘ How far do you agree? Indispensable – Irreplaceable Question on actors? Factors? The question suggests that the military institution is vital in fostering a sense f national unity. This appears to be more prevalent in states with a strong military or military-dominated government. The military junta, which took over in Burma in 1962, established its own party and aimed to foster a sense of unity in the country.

The military governments, which dominated Thai politics from 1932 to 1 973, also continued to exploit the precepts of King, Nation, and Religion as the basis of forging national unity (Has a long history of political involvement to foster national unity). In Indonesia, the military was a key tool used by Saguaro to entrench rule and was used to crush positions under Guided Democracy. This became more distinctive under Quarto’s rule. However, the military was dispensable in other ways.

Under Nee Win, the military attempted to position itself as a key political structure to effect national unity under the BSP, but this was not successful. The use of coercion was also not the best way to create national unity in Southeast Asia. On the other hand, consider the efforts made by civilian governments in creating national unity in their respective countries by focusing on the policies, which had been introduced. 9 To what extent was economic growth in Southeast Asian countries a product of state intervention?

Candidates are to assess how far the role of governments/states was critical in generating growth. Focus on the various policies pursued by the state in stimulating economic development and growth. This implies that the state’s role was positive. Emphasize the fact that the governments, which adopted an open door, liberal, capitalist outlook were likely to reap the most success. Growth can also be linked to equity. Candidates may consider how attempts at promoting equity would help in generating growth as well.

However, for socialist states, economic development was not as pronounced, with little economic progress being effected even with state intervention. State intervention in the form of import substitution has brought about growth of domestic industries, like in the Philippines. However, in the long run, this led to the growth of inefficient industries, leading to stagnation in economic growth. Bring in other factors, which helped economic growth – role of transnational organizations, global economic trends, the role of technology, the role of foreign aid given by both superpower patrons during the Cold War era. Assess the validity of the claim that interstate tensions in Southeast Asia have hindered the process of regional integration. May have hindered at certain periods time -? no inclusion Of socialist countries due to ideological differences. However, regional integration may have been fostered due to increasing cooperation through SEAN. Southeast Asian History’ – Essay Outlines 11 Why were Southeast Asian nationalist movements unable to end colonial rule before the second world war? MI/2008] Give reasons for the inability of the nationalist movements to end colonial ole before 1 941. Candidates are expected to provide the most crucial reason and state the reasons for their choice in the introduction. Reasons could be seen at various levels. First, the nationalist movements themselves were plagued by factionalism, inability to win mass support (rural- urban divide, collaboration with colonial regimes, ideologies). The colonial regimes were able to use a combination of repression and collaboration to undermine the nationalist threat.

Use of military force and secret police created a climate of fear to deter potential nationalist challenge while oppressing existing ones. Collaboration with nationalist leaders or native elites made them dependent on the colonial powers. The lack of Western education also impeded the growth of a native intelligentsia, which may assume leadership Of the nationalist movement. (Lack Of modern schools in Laos and Cambodia – there was an absence of critical elites to oppose the colonial rule). The manipulation of education could also shape natives’ perception of colonial rule. The teaching of French propaganda’s to position the French as the protectors of the states from the Siamese and Vietnamese). Indirect rule was critical in blunting any possibility of nationalist sentiment emerging, which was directed at colonial rule since native societies were rarely affected (Malay and the indirect rule through the Residents; Cambodia and Laos and the superficial rule of the French). Ethnic composition in some colonies also made it difficult for some nationalists to win widespread support. 2 The independence of the Southeast Asian states were principally the result of actions undertaken by foreign powers, and had very little to do with the actions of the indigenous nationalist movements. ‘ How far do you agree with his statement? Nationalists’ perspective Metronome perspective – independence settlements were shaped by foreign powers, and not shaped by the nationalists Global perspective – international context Indonesia Foreign power – by the end of the Indonesian Revolution, it was the role of international organizations and international power that led to the eventual disconsolation of the Dutch.

Pomades, Saguaro and Hat -? created much problems for the Dutch, so much so that they believed that the prolonging of the conflict in Indonesia would be detrimental Malay Foreign power – fear of communism and its subversion Indigenous leaders – needed Chinese and Malay to reach some kind of compromise before some kind of independence can be awarded (seen through the alliance) 13 Were the indigenous nationalist movements in Southeast Asia organized more in pursuit of local aspirations, or foreign ideologies?

Pursuit of local aspirations political aims to the point Of independent Religious/social goals to protect them from Western encroachment Foreign ideologies Were they aimed at imposing a new political ideology like Communism and Marxism? 14 How valid is it to suggest that Southeast Sais’s history from 1945-97 proves hat centralized, authoritarian government under tight central control is the most effective form of government in the region? Effective – was it good at maintaining political stability/deliver fruits of economic development/sense of national unity and identity?